La Insurrección de la Burguesía
El golpe de Estado
Showing posts with label Chile. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Chile. Show all posts
Thursday, September 11, 2008
The Battle of Chile
To commemorate 11 September 1973, watch The Battle of Chile by Patricio Guzmán.
Friday, August 29, 2008
Russia, China, and Empire
If Washington is smart, it will try to peel China away from Russia, dropping Tibet and Xinjiang in particular and human rights in general. Then again, though, if Washington were really smart, if wouldn't have invaded Iraq and Afghanistan and tried to work against both Iran and Russia at the same time. Meanwhile, the Chinese are dropping the US agency debt.
Monday, January 21, 2008
Interview with Bolivian Vice President García
Interview with Bolivian Vice President García:
"Brazil and Argentina's Support Restrained Adventurists' Plans in Bolivia"
by Pablo Stefanoni
Evo Morales' Vice President believes that regional backing neutralized the most radical sectors among secessionists.
The 10oC "summer" weather in Bolivia's capital city is strongly felt in Bolivian Vice President Álvaro García Linera's house, which has no heating, like nearly all the houses in La Paz.
For almost an hour we went over the conjuncture of a week of uncertain negotiations between the government and opposition, in search of an anxiously awaited national accord. "The media inflate political tension," he said.
Clarín: Is a political accord close?
Álvaro García Linera (AGL): On the part of the government there is an open, frank, and determined search for an accord. We have demonstrated great flexibility and broadmindedness regarding the issue of the distribution of the hydrocarbon taxes and the reopening of discussion on the new constitutional text in order to correct errors and see how we can make it compatible with the sensible proposals of regional autonomy. But there are opposition sectors that are reluctant to accept this.
Clarín: Not long ago you spoke of a "point of bifurcation." How do you negotiate in these conditions?
AGL: I took the idea from the Nobel physicist Ilya Prigogine, the idea of an order arising out of chaos. A system can evolve towards one of two possibilities: it can return to the original state of equilibrium (in the political terrain, to the old state) or else it begins to self-organize until it constitutes a new structure.
A point of bifurcation is a point of tension between forces, which in 1952 occurred in the form of a civil war. In 2008, President Evo Morales is wagering on resolving it by the ballot box (a constitutional and revocation referendum) and an agreed-upon solution.
Clarín: And if no accord is reached, how tense could the situation become?
AGL: It is difficult to predict. But some are betting on regionalized entrenchment, violating laws with a de facto autonomy by means of an illegal referendum. And if they accompany this with the occupation of institutions, they will enter into the path of illegality without exit. If that is the case, the government will use the constitutional means available to guarantee institutionality.
Clarín: There has been even talk of civil war -- do you consider it possible?
AGL: It was thought that on 15 December [when the four eastern departments declared autonomy] the civil war would erupt. The media greatly inflate political tension. Stop watching the media for a week, and you can size up the real dimension of the confrontation.
Today there is a common sense, whether you are from the Left or the Right, about the protagonist role of the state in economy, redistribution of wealth, equality between peoples, and decentralization and autonomy. There are a national project and regionalized resistances. There are no longer two national projects. In this process of replacement of elites, those who used to have national power are today bunkering down in the regions.
Clarín: Could secessionist ideas tempt some radical rightist groups?
AGL: There is a democratic right wing and a fascist right wing that burn houses, draw up blacklists. . . . Within the authoritarian Right, there are small minority groups of a secessionist character, with a desperate intent to preserve their privileges. They don't constitute a real danger, but they are there.
Clarín: Do they have influence on regional governors?
AGL: Yes, but a very marginal influence.
Clarín: On what must Santa Cruz yield?
AGL: People voted for autonomy in the referendum, but the statute establishes a federal and more than federal regime. They must respect what was voted on 2 July 2006.
Clarín: How do you evaluate the importance of regional support for the stability of Bolivia?
AGL: Very important. Brazil and Argentina, and also Chile, gave a very strong message of support for democracy and hope in the transformations. I believe that this has temporarily neutralized the most extremist sectors that perhaps thought they could find some external support for their adventurist plans. The signal was very clear.
Clarín: Does the recent change in the commander of the armed forces have any significance?
AGL: Institutionally, this is meant to occur after the second year. This is the first military general staff in decades that has resulted from observance of the norms. The rotation between forces is custom and usage of the armed forces, and we have respected it by naming a member of the air force.
Clarín: Does the government have confidence in the institutional fidelity of the armed forces?
AGL: Definitely.
The interview originally appeared in the 13 January 2008 issue of Clarín. Translation by Federico Fuentes and Yoshie Furuhashi.
"Brazil and Argentina's Support Restrained Adventurists' Plans in Bolivia"
by Pablo Stefanoni
Evo Morales' Vice President believes that regional backing neutralized the most radical sectors among secessionists.
The 10oC "summer" weather in Bolivia's capital city is strongly felt in Bolivian Vice President Álvaro García Linera's house, which has no heating, like nearly all the houses in La Paz.
For almost an hour we went over the conjuncture of a week of uncertain negotiations between the government and opposition, in search of an anxiously awaited national accord. "The media inflate political tension," he said.
Clarín: Is a political accord close?
Álvaro García Linera (AGL): On the part of the government there is an open, frank, and determined search for an accord. We have demonstrated great flexibility and broadmindedness regarding the issue of the distribution of the hydrocarbon taxes and the reopening of discussion on the new constitutional text in order to correct errors and see how we can make it compatible with the sensible proposals of regional autonomy. But there are opposition sectors that are reluctant to accept this.
Clarín: Not long ago you spoke of a "point of bifurcation." How do you negotiate in these conditions?
AGL: I took the idea from the Nobel physicist Ilya Prigogine, the idea of an order arising out of chaos. A system can evolve towards one of two possibilities: it can return to the original state of equilibrium (in the political terrain, to the old state) or else it begins to self-organize until it constitutes a new structure.
A point of bifurcation is a point of tension between forces, which in 1952 occurred in the form of a civil war. In 2008, President Evo Morales is wagering on resolving it by the ballot box (a constitutional and revocation referendum) and an agreed-upon solution.
Clarín: And if no accord is reached, how tense could the situation become?
AGL: It is difficult to predict. But some are betting on regionalized entrenchment, violating laws with a de facto autonomy by means of an illegal referendum. And if they accompany this with the occupation of institutions, they will enter into the path of illegality without exit. If that is the case, the government will use the constitutional means available to guarantee institutionality.
Clarín: There has been even talk of civil war -- do you consider it possible?
AGL: It was thought that on 15 December [when the four eastern departments declared autonomy] the civil war would erupt. The media greatly inflate political tension. Stop watching the media for a week, and you can size up the real dimension of the confrontation.
Today there is a common sense, whether you are from the Left or the Right, about the protagonist role of the state in economy, redistribution of wealth, equality between peoples, and decentralization and autonomy. There are a national project and regionalized resistances. There are no longer two national projects. In this process of replacement of elites, those who used to have national power are today bunkering down in the regions.
Clarín: Could secessionist ideas tempt some radical rightist groups?
AGL: There is a democratic right wing and a fascist right wing that burn houses, draw up blacklists. . . . Within the authoritarian Right, there are small minority groups of a secessionist character, with a desperate intent to preserve their privileges. They don't constitute a real danger, but they are there.
Clarín: Do they have influence on regional governors?
AGL: Yes, but a very marginal influence.
Clarín: On what must Santa Cruz yield?
AGL: People voted for autonomy in the referendum, but the statute establishes a federal and more than federal regime. They must respect what was voted on 2 July 2006.
Clarín: How do you evaluate the importance of regional support for the stability of Bolivia?
AGL: Very important. Brazil and Argentina, and also Chile, gave a very strong message of support for democracy and hope in the transformations. I believe that this has temporarily neutralized the most extremist sectors that perhaps thought they could find some external support for their adventurist plans. The signal was very clear.
Clarín: Does the recent change in the commander of the armed forces have any significance?
AGL: Institutionally, this is meant to occur after the second year. This is the first military general staff in decades that has resulted from observance of the norms. The rotation between forces is custom and usage of the armed forces, and we have respected it by naming a member of the air force.
Clarín: Does the government have confidence in the institutional fidelity of the armed forces?
AGL: Definitely.
The interview originally appeared in the 13 January 2008 issue of Clarín. Translation by Federico Fuentes and Yoshie Furuhashi.
Wednesday, October 10, 2007
National and Social Struggles
Julio Huato, a left-wing economist, comments on the difficult question of how to reconcile national and social struggles, especially when the nation becomes a target of the empire's regime change campaign:
The best response that Iran's government can make to the empire's "democracy assistance" is to reform Iran preemptively, strengthening women's rights, expanding sexual freedom, and so on, but both the government and society it governs are made up of people who have a wide range of opinions about these questions, and some sectors of the population are even more conservative than the government itself, so no change can come about overnight.
In the meantime, therefore, we ought to concentrate on getting Washington to take regime change off the table, so people of Iran can concentrate on reforming the state and society without worrying about social conflicts being exploited by the empire to create a climate of ungovernability and impose its imperial solution.
I'd argue that, under some conditions (e.g. Iran's conditions now), the fight against sexism (or against religious obscurantism) needs to be subordinated to higher priorities. The ranking of priorities in the struggle is not dictated by the left (inside or outside), but by the dynamics of each particular society. (Julio Huato, "New Spirit of Capitalism," 9 October 2007)If we look back in history, we can indeed see how the empire has sought to exploit divisions in its target nations, including the gender division, and sometimes succeeded in doing so. The roles that Poder Feminino and other women's organizations, such as wives of striking copper miners in 1971 and those of striking transportation workers in 1973, some knowingly, others unknowingly, played in destabilizing the Allende administration are the best known example. In the case of Chile, the most powerful component of anti-government women were religious conservative upper-middle-class women; in the case of Iran, secular liberal upper-middle-class women are among those whom the empire wants to use through its "democracy assistance" component of the regime change campaign.
The best response that Iran's government can make to the empire's "democracy assistance" is to reform Iran preemptively, strengthening women's rights, expanding sexual freedom, and so on, but both the government and society it governs are made up of people who have a wide range of opinions about these questions, and some sectors of the population are even more conservative than the government itself, so no change can come about overnight.
In the meantime, therefore, we ought to concentrate on getting Washington to take regime change off the table, so people of Iran can concentrate on reforming the state and society without worrying about social conflicts being exploited by the empire to create a climate of ungovernability and impose its imperial solution.
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